If you are a regular listener to the podcast and reader of our associated Global Dispatches newsletter, you know that I believe one of the most important issues in the world today is the growing gap between humanitarian needs and the funding available to meet those needs. Climate change and conflicts are causing a surge in the number of people around the world who require a modicum of humanitarian aid to survive. Yet, funding has not kept pace. Far from it. The gap is large and growing. In response to this pressure, one of the largest and oldest international humanitarian organizations, the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, is trying something new. While they still rely on traditional donors, mostly wealthier Western countries, they are also experimenting with innovative financing schemes. This includes using insurance in novel ways and exploring how to issue bonds or sell carbon credits to fund their humanitarian work. Joining me to discuss how the IFRC is approaching these complex financial instruments is Nena Stoiljkovic, IFRC's Under Secretary General for Global Relations and Humanitarian Diplomacy. We kick off by discussing why climate change is driving up the costs of humanitarian response and the IFRC's new program to support climate-resilient communities before diving into a longer conversation about the novel ways in which the IFRC plans to finance that, along with its regular disaster response.

In mid-August, the United States and Switzerland hosted peace talks for Sudan's warring parties. The talks took place outside Geneva at a time when the conflict was exacting a massive toll on the civilian population of Sudan. Just as the talks were getting underway, the UN confirmed a famine in a massive IDP camp in Darfur. Meanwhile, over 10 million people have been displaced by the fighting, making it the largest humanitarian crisis in the world by the numbers. There have been some attempts at international mediation, none of which have stuck. Over the summer, the newly appointed U.S. Special Envoy for Sudan, Tom Perriello, began laying the groundwork for these talks in Switzerland, which only recently concluded. There is obviously still no ceasefire in Sudan, but according to my guest today, Cameron Hudson, Senior Fellow in the Africa Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, the talks nonetheless did achieve important progress on getting humanitarian aid to beleaguered populations.

Ever since the fall of Kabul to the Taliban three years ago, I have periodically checked in with my guest today, Zuhra Bahman. She is the Afghanistan Country Director for Search for Common Ground, an NGO focused on peacebuilding. When the Taliban toppled the Afghan government and asserted control in Kabul, Zuhra Bahman happened to be out of the country on a business trip. However, she was determined to return, and she did. As she explained in our previous conversations, she felt an obligation to influence the direction of her country under Taliban rule, improve the lives of women and girls, and promote local peacebuilding efforts. In our conversation today, I ask her: Has she been successful? More broadly, Zuhra Bahman explains how consistent engagement with the Taliban authorities has led to some incremental gains, and she argues why the international community ought to deal directly and consistently with the Taliban.

On August 14th, the World Health Organization declared MPOX a "Public Health Emergency of International Concern." This is the highest level of alarm that the WHO can issue to confront a public health crisis, and it was triggered in response to a rapidly spreading outbreak in Central Africa. As my guest, Dr. Eric Toner, explains, this MPOX outbreak is different from the one two years ago due to the fact that this new strain of the virus is both more deadly and more transmissible. Dr. Eric Toner is a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security. He explains the differences between the strains and what we know so far about how MPOX is spreading within Central Africa and, more recently, to other continents. We have a lengthy discussion about how to contain the outbreak, which includes deploying effective vaccines. However, the problem is that the supply is limited and controlled by just a handful of vaccine manufacturing companies.

In 1991, Somaliland declared independence from Somalia, but no country has yet to accept Somaliland's sovereignty. That, however, may soon change. On January 1st, Ethiopia and Somaliland entered into a memorandum of understanding that includes Somaliland leasing a coastline and port to landlocked Ethiopia, and in return, Ethiopia would be the first country in the world to formally recognize Somaliland's independence. When news of the MOU came to light earlier this year, it sent shockwaves throughout the Horn of Africa. Somaliland is in the north of Somalia, with a long coastline on the Gulf of Aden and bordering Ethiopia and Djibouti. It has many of the trappings of a state, including its own currency and governing institutions. It is a multiparty democracy and far more stable and less violent than Somalia. Somalia, however, still claims Somaliland—and every country in the world formally considers Somaliland to be part of Somalia. This move by Ethiopia threatens to upend this consensus of the last three decades. Joining me from Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, is Guleid Ahmed Jama, a lawyer and researcher. We kick off by discussing Somaliland's unique history before having a long conversation about this Ethiopia deal and what comes next.

Every two years, since 1951, the United Nations has compiled data and estimates about the world's population. These are contained in a report called World Population Prospects, which provides our best estimates about global population and demographic trends. The latest edition of World Population Prospects was released in June, and joining me today is one of the people responsible for putting this report together. John Wilmoth is Director of the Population Division at the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs. He last joined us two years ago after the previous iteration of this report was released. We will discuss what has changed, or not, from the estimates of two years ago, why we should be paying attention to rapidly aging populations in East Asia, and what we mean by the "demographic dividend" that many countries in Africa are poised to harness.

I caught up with Ndidi Okonkwo Nwuneli at the Aspen Security Forum in mid-July. She is the new President and CEO of the One Campaign, which advocates on behalf of global development, justice, and equal rights, with a particular focus on Africa. I was interested in speaking with her at a major conference dedicated to international security precisely because African security issues are often far from the top concerns of the American foreign policy community. One of the big challenges facing many African countries today is how heavily indebted they are. Many African countries these days are spending far more money servicing debts than on their own economic and social programs. Ndidi Okonkwo Nwuneli explains that this already has international security implications and is bound to get worse unless something changes. We discussed how we can change the narrative around Africa in general and why including Africa in conversations about global security will become increasingly imperative in the future.

The July 28th national elections in Venezuela were supposed to usher in a new era of democracy after 25 years of Chavismo rule. Back in October, President Nicolas Maduro agreed to free and fair elections and, in return, had some US sanctions lifted. He quickly reneged on that deal, barred a popular opposition leader from running, and engaged in other election-related shenanigans. Still, Venezuelans voted in massive numbers, rallying around a lesser-known opposition candidate named Edmundo Gonzalez. But hours after the polls closed, Nicolas Maduro claimed victory, a position backed up by his hand-picked national electoral body. Crucially, Venezuelan authorities have not released a full accounting of the election results, including a paper trail that Venezuela's voting systems use to verify results. This has led to widespread and credible accusations that Venezuela's election was stolen. On the line with me from Caracas is Phil Gunson, a senior analyst for the Crisis Group. We recorded our conversation on August 1st amidst profound political uncertainty in Venezuela. He explains what happened in the lead-up to and immediate aftermath of the elections and how this situation may evolve.

Kamala Harris did not have an extensive foreign policy track record before becoming Vice President. And as Vice President, she did not assume much of a foreign policy portfolio during the Biden Administration. So what could we expect from a Kamala Harris foreign policy? How might it be the same as or different from Joe Biden's foreign policy? And if Harris becomes President, who might assume senior foreign policy roles, such as Secretary of State and National Security Advisor? Joining me to discuss these questions and more is Alexander Ward, a national security reporter who starts at the Wall Street Journal next week and author of The Internationalists: The Fight to Restore American Foreign Policy After Trump, a vital book that tells the story of the first two years of the Biden Administration's foreign policy. We kick off by discussing what role, if any, Harris played in the two major events that Alexander Ward details in his book: the American withdrawal from Afghanistan and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. We then discuss what sort of foreign policy vision can be deduced from Kamala Harris' time as Vice President and Senator from California.

On July 19th, the Houthis launched a drone that struck an apartment building in Tel Aviv, killing an Israeli. This was a long-range, sophisticated drone and marked the first time the Houthis successfully struck Israeli soil. Israel responded with airstrikes against the Port of Hodeida, in the Houthi-controlled part of Yemen. The Houthis are the de facto rulers of most of Yemen, including the capital Sanaa and the main port city, Hodeida. About a month into the Gaza war, the Houthis—who are part of the so-called Axis of Resistance that includes Hamas and Hezbollah—began attacking civilian commercial vessels in the Red Sea. The US has led an international mission to protect those ships in the Red Sea and deter Houthi attacks by striking targets in Yemen. At the time, many Yemen experts, including my guest today, Alex Stark, warned that bombing the Houthis would not deter them—and would likely only embolden the group. This escalation against Israel proved her right. Alex Stark is an associate policy researcher at Rand who wrote a prescient article in Foreign Affairs some months ago titled "Don't Bomb the Houthis." In our conversation, Alex Stark explains why this attack on Israel was such an escalation, provides some broader context in which the Houthis decided to launch their Red Sea attacks, and offers perspective on how this latest escalation may evolve. Please support our work by purchasing a subscription at https://www.globaldispatches.org/

Bangladesh is roiled in the most intense protests and domestic upheaval in decades. The protests began peacefully by students objecting to a quota system for government jobs, in which government jobs are mostly reserved for those who fought in the 1971 war for independence and their descendants. That quota system was in place for years, then it was substantially revoked only to be re-instated by Bangladesh's high court in a ruling last month. This sparked protests which turned violent when a pro-government student group attacked the protesters. The government of Sheikh Hasina has since enacted a brutal crackdown, imposing curfews, blocking the internet, and authorizing security forces to shoot on sight anyone breaking curfew. This crackdown by Sheikh Hasina is the latest example of her turn to authoritarianism, a trend that has been accelerating in recent years. My guest today, Ali Riaz, is a Distinguished Professor at the Department of Politics and Government at Illinois State University and the President of The American Institute of Bangladesh Studies. We kick off discussing the quota system and the genesis of these protests before having a long conversation about how economic stagnation after a period of rapid growth, combined with corruption and an authoritarian turn, has created the volatile situation we see in Bangladesh today.

Alsu Kurmasheva was visiting her ailing mother in Russia when she was detained by the authorities and had her passports confiscated. She is a journalist for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, and her arrest immediately raised alarms that, like the Wall Street Journal's Evan Gershkovich, yet another American journalist has been targeted and wrongfully detained in Russia. However, unlike the wrongful detention of Evan Gershkovich, Alsu Kurmasheva's case is far less known. My guest today is Pavel Butorin, Alsu's husband and also a journalist for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. He explains what happened to Alsu and his ongoing efforts to secure her release from a Russian jail.

On May 19th, a helicopter crash in Iran killed President Ebrahim Raisi and several top government officials. This forced new presidential elections, and on July 5th, Masoud Pezeshkian defeated his more hardline opponent and is now Iran's president-elect. Pezeshkian comes from the reformist faction of Iranian politics, but real power still lies in the hands of unelected clerics, none more so than Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei. Still, this election will have an impact on Iran's relationship with the outside world, including the West. Joining me to explain the international implications of Masoud Pezeshkian's election is Sina Toossi, a senior nonresident fellow at the Center for International Policy. We discuss what we mean by "reformist" in the context of Iranian politics, which leads into a broad conversation about the kinds of changes we might see in Iranian domestic and foreign policy as Pezeshkian takes the reins of government from a hardline faction that has been dominant for the last several years.

The Labour Party won an overwhelming victory in the recent elections in the United Kingdom. Keir Starmer is now Prime Minister, ending 14 years of Conservative rule in the UK. So what does this mean for Britain's foreign policy? Can we expect any major changes to Britain's relationship with the world? Joining me to discuss the foreign policy implications of the UK elections is Jason Pack, host of the Disorder Podcast. We have an extended discussion about the new Foreign Secretary, David Lammy, who Jason Pack argues will have an outsized role in shaping UK foreign policy in the years to come. This includes reorienting and reinvigorating Britain's once-vaunted global development programs. "The Lammy Doctrine" New Statesmen The Disorder podcast: https://linktr.ee/disorderpod

From July 15th to the 18th, the Chinese Communist Party is holding a gathering known as the Third Plenum. This is a highly anticipated political event, as Xi Jinping and party officials are expected to announce key economic reforms intended to spur the Chinese economy. For the past several years, especially since COVID, the Chinese economy has been lagging. According to my guest today, Anja Manuel, executive director of the Aspen Security Group, this is largely because Xi has prioritized regime security over economic growth. We kick off by discussing what the Third Plenum is and have a broad conversation about the economic and political context in which this meeting is occurring. We also discuss the broader geopolitical implications of a slowing Chinese economy and what that means for competition between the US and China. Finally, Anja Manuel previews the Aspen Security Forum, which kicks off on July 16th. This is a significant foreign policy and national security gathering that I've had the pleasure of attending for the past few years. https://www.globaldispatches.org/SaveUs

A rather bizarre incident recently occurred in the South China Sea off the coast of the Philippines. On June 17th, the Chinese Coast Guard clashed with Philippine naval vessels en route to resupplying a stranded Philippine ship on a formation known as the Second Thomas Shoal. This desolate shoal is very much in the territorial waters of the Philippines, but China nonetheless claims it as Chinese sovereign territory. The Chinese have routinely harassed Philippine ships in the area, but on June 17th, the Chinese Coast Guard attacked the Philippine naval vessels with water cannons, swords, and axes in the most violent incident of its kind in years. This kind of escalation risks drawing in the United States due to the longstanding Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States and the Philippines, which obliges the US to come to the defense of the Philippines. This has the potential to draw the US and China into direct conflict. My guest today is Prashanth Parameswaran, founder of the ASEAN Wonk newsletter and fellow at the Wilson Center. We kick off by discussing what exactly happened during the June 17th incident before having a broader conversation about the dynamics in which this territorial dispute in the South China Sea draws the US and China closer to conflict--and how to escape that trap.

On June 27th, a group of food security experts from the United Nations and major international relief agencies known as the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) released devastating new data on hunger in Sudan. Their data shows that over 755,000 people are experiencing catastrophic levels of food insecurity. This means that there are almost no coping mechanisms left, and people are starving to death. Those experiencing this extreme level of food insecurity are spread throughout several regions; it is not localized to just one part of the country. The cause is conflict. In April last year, a full-scale civil war erupted between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces. The food system in the country, including farmlands and trading routes, has been destroyed. Meanwhile, international humanitarian relief is being obstructed by the warring parties and not reaching people in need in sufficient numbers. My guest today, Dr. Oliver Kiptoo Kirui, is a Research Fellow with the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). He recently conducted a large wartime household survey of food security in every region of Sudan. We discuss his findings in detail, as well as what can be done to reverse the massive food crisis gripping the country. The war does not look like it will end anytime soon, so in the midst of conflict, what can be done to limit deaths from starvation and widespread hunger?

On Tuesday, June 25, Kenyan protesters stormed parliament in Nairobi in scenes reminiscent of the January 6 siege of the U.S. Capitol. However, unlike January 6, police responded violently, and at least six people were killed. The protests had been ongoing for days as the Kenyan parliament moved on a finance bill that would increase taxes for ordinary Kenyans in unusual ways. Like many countries in Africa, the government of Kenya faces an extreme level of debt and was looking for new sources of revenue to service its debt payments while also keeping the government functioning. Following the protests, President William Ruto said he would no longer pursue this taxation bill. While protests in Kenya are hardly unusual, what makes this protest movement so unique, according to my guest today, Brian Obara, is that it was not organized along ethnic, tribal, or even class divides. Rather, it was youth-led and broad-based -- and that could signal a profound change in Kenyan politics. Brian Obara is a Kenyan lawyer, media professional, and columnist for The Star, a daily newspaper in Nairobi. We kick off by discussing what was in this ill-fated Finance Bill that so agitated Kenyans. We then discuss what transpired in the protests and what this episode suggests for the future of politics in Kenya.

The situation in Southern Lebanon is extremely precarious. Israel is positioning more and more military assets along its northern border, while Hezbollah continues its near-daily attacks on Israeli targets from Lebanon and has threatened an all-out war. Caught in the middle are about 10,000 United Nations peacekeepers. The United Nations Interim Mission in Lebanon (UNIFIL) has more peacekeepers deployed per square kilometer than any other UN peacekeeping mission in the world. These peacekeepers have helped avert an all-out war between Israel and Hezbollah in the past, but tensions are very high right now. If conflict is averted, it may be due to the off-ramp to continued escalation between Hezbollah and Israel that UNIFIL provides. On the other hand, if Israel and Hezbollah decide to escalate, there’s little these peacekeepers can do to stop them. The lead segment of our second episode of To Save Us From Hell explains the role of UNIFIL in managing conflict between Israel and Hezbollah since 2006 and why some diplomats are considering expanding UNIFIL to prevent a new devastating war in the region. On the flipside, we also discuss what would happen to these 10,000 Blue Helmets if they get caught in the middle of a war between Israel and Hezbollah. Our second segment focuses on a summit this week between Taliban officials and representatives of about 30 governments and international institutions, convened in Doha under UN auspices. This meeting is somewhat controversial and has earned reprobation in some circles for the fact that no Afghan women will be represented. Finally, we share an excerpt of our interview with Courtney Fung, an academic who studies Chinese diplomacy and its approach to the United Nations. This is a 15-minute excerpt of our full 40-minute interview that is available to our paying supporters. The interview covers China’s evolving relationship to the UN, including how the policies and strategies it pursues are changing as it becomes a more robust global power. To Save Us From Hell is listener-powered. Please support our work through your paid subscription: https://www.globaldispatches.org/SaveUs

Since 2019, Burkina Faso has been in a state of near-constant conflict. Extremist groups control or occupy large swaths of the country—about 40-50% according to some estimates. Meanwhile, the government is extremely unstable and has been toppled by a succession of military coups. The military government in power today is generally hostile to the same Western powers that have historically supported the people of Burkina Faso with humanitarian and development assistance. My guest today, Jan Egeland, is the president of the Norwegian Refugee Council, a large international humanitarian NGO. Each year, the NRC publishes a list of what it considers the most neglected humanitarian emergencies on the planet, and this year, the crisis in Burkina Faso tops the list. Jan Egeland recently returned from Burkina Faso, and in our conversation, he explains why the humanitarian crisis there is so challenging and what can be done to make Burkina Faso less neglected by the international community.